By John S. Saul
20 years on from the autumn of apartheid in South Africa, veteran analyst and activist John S. Saul examines the liberation fight, putting it in a nearby and international context and searching at how the preliminary optimism and desire has given method to a feeling of main issue following hovering inequality degrees and the bloodbath of staff at Marikana.
With chapters on South Africa, Tanzania and Mozambique, Saul examines the truth of southern Africa’s post-'liberation' plight, drawing at the insights of Frantz Fanon and Amilcar Cabral and assessing claims new 'precariat' has emerged.
Saul examines the continued 'rebellion of the poor', together with the hot Marikana bloodbath, that experience shaken the sector and should sign the potential of a brand new and extra hopeful destiny.
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Extra info for A Flawed Freedom: Rethinking Southern African Liberation
12 Richard Saunders, “Zimbabwe: liberation nationalism – old and born-again,” ROAPE, #127 (March, 2011). 13 Henning Melber, Re-examining Liberation in Namibia: Political Culture since Independence (Uppsala: Nordiska Afrikainstitutet, 2003). 14 See, again, footnote 1. 15 In sum, South Africa, like the other “liberated” locales of the region, has become, in the sober phrase with which Neville Alexander16 has titled a book of his own on South Africa’s transition from apartheid to democracy, merely “an ordinary country” – despite the rather finer future that many, both in southern Africa and beyond, had hoped would prove to be the outcome of the long years of liberation struggle.
Chapter 2 Tanzania Fifty Years On (1961–2011) Rethinking Ujamaa, Nyerere and Socialism in Africa1 December 8, 1961. A little over fifty years ago: Tanzanian Independence Day (it was actually still Tanganyika then, until the union with Zanzibar a few years later changed the country’s name to Tanzania). But, of course, many countries in Africa were obtaining their independence from the British and French colonial states in those years. What set Tanzania apart in the 1960s, much as Ghana had been set apart, in the 1950s, by Kwame Nkrumah’s “Black Star” (as Basil Davidson once entitled a book chronicling Osageyfo’s moment of ascendancy) was Nyerere’s own star.
For example, Bibi Titi, admittedly no great socialist but a prominent TANU leader in the early days, underscored some years ago the starkness of the male sense of entitlement that marked TANU in those years, the vital role of women militants in the liberation struggle itself soon being more or less passed over. the story changed. Women’s experience was no longer relevant to the postcolonial struggles against neo-colonialism, imperialism and the management of the state apparatus. 20 Indeed, so incensed by this was Bibi Titi that, by her account, she actually refused Nyerere’s offer to co-author with him a joint history of Tanzania’s nationalist liberation struggle!