By Samuel Bridgewater
Belize's Chiquibul wooded area is without doubt one of the biggest ultimate expanses of tropical wet wooded area in relevant the USA. It types a part of what's popularly often called the Maya woodland. Battered by means of hurricanes over hundreds of thousands of years, occupied by way of the Maya for hundreds of thousands of years, and logged for centuries, this surroundings has validated its awesome ecological resilience via its persevered life into the twenty-first century. regardless of its heritage of disturbance, or perhaps partly as a result of it, the Maya wooded area is ranked as a major local biodiversity scorching spot and offers a few of the final local habitats for endangered species akin to the jaguar, the scarlet macaw, Baird's tapir, and Morelet's crocodile.
A common background of Belize offers for the 1st time an in depth portrait of the habitats, biodiversity, and ecology of the Maya woodland, and Belize extra generally, in a layout available to a favored viewers. it's established partially at the examine findings of scientists learning at Las Cuevas study Station within the Chiquibul wooded area. The booklet is exclusive in demystifying a number of the giant medical debates relating to rainforests. those comprise "Why are tropical forests so diverse?"; "How do natural world evolve?"; and "How do species interact?" by means of concentrating on the ecotourism paradise of Belize, this ebook illustrates how technology has solved the various riddles that after at a loss for words the likes of Charles Darwin, and likewise exhibits the way it can help us in dealing with our planet and wooded area assets correctly sooner or later.
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Additional resources for A Natural History of Belize: Inside the Maya Forest
That decolonization of knowledge would require us to take seriously the epistemic perspective/cosmologies/insights of critical thinkers from the global South and with subalternized racial/ethnic/sexual spaces and bodies. (2007: 212) Hence, social research should not be the application of formal methodological procedures, neatly foreseen before the collection of data, in order to “probe” on the basis of predetermined theory, theory which is also seen as “neutral,” a conception still prevalent in many domains of hegemonically “validated” knowledge.
Drawing on Omi and Winant (1994), Mignolo (2005, 2007, 2009) and Lugones (2008, 2009), I contend that the conquest and colonization of the Americas is not only one of the greatest racial projects in history, but also a project of gender and class formation. It was an unnecessary and avoidable intersectional project of oppression, subordination, and exclusion. As Omi and Winant note, the expropriation of Indigenous lands and goods, the institutionalization of Indigenous slavery through encomiendas and repartimientos (forced and free Indigenous labor), as well as the organization of the African slave trade, presupposed a world view which distinguished Europeans, as children of God and full-fledged human beings, from nonhuman Others (1994: 62).
Although there are very few studies on the Xinkas, the little that is recorded by colonial and imperial anthropologists and linguistics establishes that Xinkas were not conquered by Pedro de Alvarado; it as a Spaniard that came after de Alvarado who fragmented Xinka families and communities by selling many of them as slaves (Brinton 1884). Brinton records that “On account of their obstinacy, numbers of them were sold as slaves and branded with a hot iron, and hence was derived the Spanish name of the river on which the Xinkas lived, Río de los Esclavos, Slave river” (1884:2), a name still in use and whose origins nobody interrogates.